Hungarian and Polish Prime Ministers Meet in Warsaw Hungary’s new prime minister chose Warsaw for his first big foreign foray — and used it to stake out a bolder, more independent Central Europe, from gas pipelines to the future map of the EU.

First stop: Warsaw and the energy sovereignty card

On May 20, Peter Mađar arrived in Donald Tusk’s office with a full ministerial entourage for closed‑door talks, signaling that Hungary wanted more than a photo‑op.

Both leaders quickly framed the visit around energy and sovereignty. Opposition‑aligned Danas highlighted Mađar’s core message: “EU member states can decide sovereignly from whom they will buy energy.” Pro‑government Politika pushed the same line, stressing that the two agreed EU states “can sovereignly decide from whom they will buy energy resources,” while Tusk insisted diversification and ending dependence on a single supplier were crucial for Central and Eastern Europe.

Tusk cast himself as the regional architect, saying his role was to offer “possibilities of diversification” through a regional energy union and to help Hungary become energy‑independent so that “only energy independence can guarantee the sovereignty of our countries.”

Ukraine: unity, with asterisks

Across the spectrum, coverage converged on a cautious common line on Ukraine. Politika underscored that both governments back Kyiv’s EU ambitions but will “warn about problems,” including economic ones. Mađar called Ukraine a “victim” with the right to defend its sovereignty and territory, while arguing the urgent task is a ceasefire followed by a “lasting, sustainable peace,” guaranteed more credibly than the Budapest Memorandum.

Mađar also flagged the rights of the Hungarian minority in Ukraine as a precondition before accession talks properly open, hoping their status will match EU minority standards.

Reviving – and enlarging – Visegrad

In a second act from Warsaw, Mađar shifted from pipelines to power blocs. He declared it was time to “restore the old influence and glory of the Visegrad Group” and floated expanding cooperation not just to Western Balkan countries outside the EU, but potentially to Scandinavian states, Austria, Croatia, Slovenia and Romania.

Tusk embraced a broader Central and Eastern European project, arguing that from north to south the region has become “the place where the fate of Europe is decided” and that Poland and Hungary are “predestined for leadership” so that Europe “starts to look like us and listen to what we have to say.”

Opposition reporting stressed Mađar’s symbolism: his first foreign trip, six ministers in tow, and a promise to tackle even “sensitive issues” left over from Viktor Orbán’s era, including asylum granted to controversial former Polish officials.

Pro‑government coverage, by contrast, framed the day as Hungary reclaiming sovereign choice on oil and gas while re‑anchoring itself in a Tusk‑led pro‑Ukraine, pro‑EU regional axis. Both sides agree on one thing: Central Europe just got louder in Brussels.